Whether blinded by that hope or by the prospect of a lucrative property deal, Gudenus apparently didn't properly vet Alyona Makarova before setting up a business meeting with party head Strache. Strache, for his part, at least asked at the very beginning of the Ibiza meeting who knew who and how, and where they were from.
He asked the woman if she was from Moscow and she affirmed that she was. He preferred entertaining the group with stories and anecdotes that tended to focus on how successful, smart or well-liked HC Strache is. The keyword "Kronen Zeitung" didn't come up until almost two hours into the conversation — and the mood quickly turned serious. They had arrived at the "main topic," as Gudenus described it. They decided to take their conversation inside the villa, apparently to ensure that no one could eavesdrop, and they moved everything to the living room table: the drinks, the cigarettes and the ashtrays.
Then Strache wanted to know: "What progress has already been made? Gudenus said negotiations had already begun and that the plan seemed to be real. He said Alyona Makarova was in talks with the family that owns the newspaper and had progress to report. The Russian woman's confidant added that they were in direct contact with two of the four heirs of deceased Kronen Zeitung founder Hans Dichand, who had each inherited The truth, though, is that apparently none of this was true.
Strache, though, didn't know that and he took the bait anyway, raving about the "most powerful newspaper in Europe relative to population," with "a gigantic amount of power" and a "world-class history. Journalists, he said, are "the biggest whores on the planet," so that won't be any problem. When Gudenus then translated the Russian woman's claim that the purchase of the Kronen Zeitung could be completed within weeks, with plenty of time left before the election, Strache's euphoria reached a fever pitch. In Strache's strategic thinking, control of the Kronen Zeitung represented more than just a path to power.
The Hungarian leader is one of the strongmen Strache likes to emulate in his leadership style. The tone was similar in the villa on Ibiza. A glance across the border is all you need to realize what he means, where the Hungarian public broadcasting system has already been the government's mouthpiece for several years. In such a situation, one doesn't have to worry much about unwanted criticism, and it's also easier to win elections.
Freedom of the press? That's something that Strache also finds to be something of a nuisance. And he promised to deliver a "media concept" for the new Kronen Zeitung to the supposed Russian investor within two or three weeks. Strache explained to the Russian woman over and over again how she could make money with the Kronen Zeitung — simply because, as the publisher, people would be coming to her and new business opportunities would open up as a result.
The Kronen Zeitung, he told her, is "the dominant force on the newspaper market," and if she were able to gain control of a TV broadcaster as well, "you would exert control over everything. And he then promised: "If we become part of the government, we could imagine privatizing a broadcaster.
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While he was careful at many points in the discussion to emphasize that everything had to be "in conformance with the law, legal" and "consistent with our platform," he then said something that isn't likely to be forgotten any time soon: "If that's her asset, and she makes that contribution three weeks before the election, then you'd have to be an idiot — there's no need to talk further. At that moment, Strache threw caution to the wind and did exactly what the decoy had apparently been hoping for: He blatantly stepped over the bounds of what is permissible.
Pledging to grant public contracts to the presumed investor in exchange for her media support in the campaign is neither "in conformance with the law" nor is it "legal. Whether Strache could face legal troubles as a result is a separate question. Experts are skeptical since he made these promises before he was in office. Businessman Hans Peter Haselsteiner, a powerful political adversary of Strache's, owns a stake in the company. The two don't like each other much — and Strache doesn't appear to be too concerned about hiding that fact. Just a few minutes earlier in the Ibiza meeting, Strache had said: "The first thing" he could promise should his party become part of government was: "Haselsteiner doesn't get any more contracts.
Turning the discussion to highway construction, he said he was "immediately in favor" of giving "every public tender" to "anyone but Haselsteiner. Strache also repeatedly brought up the connection to campaign assistance. In one instance, he turned to his companion Gudenus so that he could translate something for the purported Russian: "Tell her that if she takes over the Kronen Zeitung three weeks before the election and boosts us to first place, then everything is up for discussion.
If she takes over the Krone Zeitung and is able to give us a punch three weeks before the election, then we can talk about everything.
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We would always find a way to figure it out. They responded that they didn't just want public tenders -- they also wanted "public contracts with a surcharge" — overpriced to their advantage. Strache answered with an extended "Jaaaa.
That pledge came from the same man who had just stated that he wouldn't do anything illegal. That legality was sacred to him and that was his greatest strength. The video essentially shows a dance, one in which the two decoys continually tried to push Strache right to the edge of what is permissible — and beyond. In doing so, they repeatedly made extremely clear what they were after: corrupt business deals. The woman explains, that in her practice it is like this: "You put something into it, you give it to someone, you buy a vote.
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Then this vote makes something to your advantage. Over and over again, they listed the countries in Eastern Europe that they claimed had agreed to such deals. Most of the time, Strache remained steadfast: In Austria, he said more than once, things are done differently — passages that were so innocuous that they could have been written by a press spokesman. It was clear that he would have preferred it had the Russian woman been satisfied with vague, non-specific pledges. At the same time, though, he was apparently wary of driving her away. The confidant of the supposed Russian woman ultimately asked in an exasperated tone: "Just so I understand correctly: Should I tell her that she can expect nothing in return et cetera?
Then Strache explained how it should work, gesticulating with an unlit cigarette between his fingers: "She needs to tell us that she is interested in this line of business and that line of business and the other line of business. Like that. And then we'll take a look at what is most beneficial" and "what fits.
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Some of the offers made were harmless, such as when Strache suggested she buy up hotels — "awesome, awesome run-down hotels" near good ski resorts "because you can turn them into something. Things got a bit more tenuous when Strache offered to use the contacts he — and here, the word "allegedly" is perhaps appropriate as well — has almost everywhere in the world. He quickly added that he probably didn't need to make his Russian contacts available since his counterpart likely already had "good contacts in Russia, probably to Putin. He said he had been invited to go to China soon, adding that in the country, they like to see political and economic issues in the same hands.
He explained that he understood that to mean that the Chinese wanted to know from him who they should be doing business with in Austria. In a remote Californian desert town, a lawyer arranges for a wanted mobster to skip the country via a small airstrip but the local sheriff and his deputy could pose a problem. Director: Norman Panama. Stars: Richard Widmark , Lee J. Added to Watchlist Add to Watchlist. Binge-worthy Streaming TV Series.
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Victor Massonetti Tina Louise Linda Anderson Earl Holliman Tippy Anderson Carl Benton Reid Sheriff Lloyd Anderson Lorne Greene The Creator gave us these feelings for His wise purposes, but He also gave commandments that limited their expression to a man and a woman who are married. Pornography debases appropriate sexual expression and encourages the expression of sexual feelings outside the boundaries of marriage.
Those who use pornography are trifling with forces so powerful that they can create life or destroy it. The danger with any intentional use of pornography, no matter how casual or infrequent, is that it always invites more frequent exposure, which will inevitably increase preoccupation with sexual feelings and behavior. Scientists have discovered that sexual images produce chemicals in the brain that reward sexual feelings, which then encourage more attention to sexual behavior. Intensive Use. Compulsive Use Addiction.
Once we recognize these different levels, we also recognize that not everyone who uses pornography willfully is addicted to it. In fact, most young men and young women who struggle with pornography are not addicted. Here is why. If behavior is incorrectly classified as an addiction, the user may think he or she has lost agency and the capacity to overcome the problem. This can weaken resolve to recover and repent.
Second, as with any sinful behavior, willful use of pornography drives away the Holy Ghost.